Americans, Japanese Trust Each Other, Wary of China, Differ on Japan's Military RoleAdversaries in World State of war Two, tearing economic competitors in the 1980s and early 1990s, Americans and Japanese nonetheless share a deep mutual respect.

About two-thirds of Americans trust Nippon a great bargain or a fair amount and three-quarters of Japanese say they trust the Usa, co-ordinate to a new Pew Inquiry Eye survey. Americans are pleased with the electric current country of U.Southward.-Japan relations: More eight-in-x prefer that ties betwixt the two nations remain as close every bit they have been in contempo years or go closer. But Americans are divided over whether Nippon should play a more active military part in the Asia-Pacific region. Fifty-fifty then, twice as many Americans as Japanese think Japan should take on more military responsibilities.

Every bit the 2 nations mark the 70th anniversary of the end of World War Ii, history continues to frame U.South.-Japan ties. But different incidents over the past seven decades stand out in the American and Japanese consciousness. Americans cite both WWII, and the 2011 earthquake and seismic sea wave in Nippon every bit the nearly of import events in the modern human relationship. The Japanese are almost probable to proper noun the postwar U.Due south.-Nihon military alliance. Americans believe that Japan has atoned for its deportment during WWII. But more than half of Americans, peculiarly those 65 years of historic period and older, even so believe, as they have since 1945, that the U.S. use of nuclear weapons to bomb Hiroshima and Nagasaki was justified. The Japanese strongly disagree.

The animosity of the 1980s and 1990s, when U.Due south.-Japan relations were marked by a serial of merchandise wars, has all but vanished. Merely 8% of Americans cite that menses of intense trade friction as the most of import event in modern U.South.-Nihon relations. The number of Americans calling Japanese trade practices unfair has fallen from 63% in 1989 to only 24% currently. More than one-half think that Nippon'south merchandise policy toward the U.Southward. is fair.

On a personal level, Americans associate positive personality traits with the Japanese, simply do not associate negative stereotypes with people in Nihon. Americans overwhelmingly run into Japanese as hardworking, inventive and honest.

The Japanese offer a more mixed cess of Americans. A majority of Japanese voice the view that Americans are inventive, only half also say Americans are aggressive. And relatively few think of Americans as hardworking and honest.

China looms large in the minds of both Americans and Japanese in their consideration of the U.South.-Japan relationship. But 30% of Americans and 7% of Japanese trust China. Six-in-10 Americans believe that the rise of China as a military and economic ability makes relations between Japan and the U.Due south. more of import. At the same time, a majority of Americans run across Japan as a status quo economical ability, neither rising nor declining. More than Americans, especially young Americans, think it is of import to have potent economic ties with China than believe it is important to take such ties with Japan.

These are among the main findings of Pew Inquiry Center nationwide phone surveys conducted in the U.s.a. among one,000 adults from February 12 to Feb 15, 2015, and in Nippon among i,000 adults from January thirty to February 12, 2015. The surveys were conducted in association with Sasakawa Peace Foundation USA.

The Role of History in the U.S.-Japan Human relationship

Since the 1940s, U.S.-Nippon relations have been marked past military disharmonize, strategic partnership, "trade wars" and an unprecedented natural disaster. No unmarried event in the recent relationship dominates public memory in either Nihon or the U.S. And different incidents characteristic almost prominently in American and Japanese consciousness.

For Americans, the virtually significant periods in the U.S.-Japan human relationship bookend the modern era. Nearly a third (31%) cite World War Two as the event that stands out when they call up about relations betwixt the United States and Japan over the past 75 years. The same proportion (31%) mentions the 2011 earthquake and tsunami in Japan. Nigh a quarter (23%) names the U.S.-Japan military alliance after WWII. And very few, just 8%, say the "merchandise wars" between the U.S. and Japan in the 1980s and early 1990s were the nigh of import event.

For Japanese, the most of import aspect of the relationship is the ongoing U.South.-Japan armed forces alliance (36%). One-in-v cite the Fukushima convulsion and tsunami, possibly a reflection of the fact that 24,000 U.S. service members were involved in humanitarian relief and Americans donated more than $700 1000000 in aid to disaster victims. Only 17% of Japanese say WWII is the most significant occurrence in modern bilateral ties. And 14% mention the flow of trade friction.

As might exist expected, it is Americans ages 65 and older (40%) who are most probable to cite WWII as most of import when they recall about the U.S.-Japan relationship. The least likely to mention the conflict are not young people but those born correct later the war, people ages 50 to 64 (24%). Notably, there is no significant generation gap amidst Japanese in their memories of the war.

In Japan, men (42%) more than women (29%) are well-nigh likely to cite the strategic alliance every bit the almost important event in contempo U.Due south.-Japan relations. Similarly, people ages 18 to 29 (xl%) name the military partnership more than than those ages 65 and older (29%).

Even amongst the demographic groups in the U.South. who might exist expected to harbor grievances about the bilateral trade disputes of the 1980s and early 1990s, that contentious menstruum does not play a major part in their memories. Just 13% of those ages l to 64, who were in their prime working years when there was widespread business organisation well-nigh the rise of "Japan Inc.", cite the U.S.-Japan merchandise wars as the most prominent event in the bilateral relationship. Similarly, during that period, Democrats were often more critical of Japanese trade policy than were Republicans. But only x% of Democrats today point to the era of trade friction as the most important period in contempo U.Due south.-Japan .

I event during WWII – the U.Due south. dropping atomic bombs on the Japanese cities of Hiroshima and Nagasaki in August 1945 – has long divided Americans and Japanese. Americans, in surveys with similar wording, accept consistently approved of this first and only utilise of nuclear weapons in war and take thought it was justified. The Japanese have non.

In 1945, a Gallup poll immediately after the bombing institute that 85% of Americans approved of using the new atomic weapon on Japanese cities. In 1991, according to a Detroit Costless Printing survey conducted in both Japan and the U.South., 63% of Americans voiced the view that the atomic bomb attacks on Japan were a justified means of ending the war; only 29% thought the action was unjustified. At the same time, only 29% of Japanese said the atom bombing was justified, while 64% thought it was unwarranted.

In the current Pew Research Center survey, 56% of Americans still believe the use of nuclear weapons was justified; 34% say it was not. In Japan, only 14% say the bombing was justified, versus 79% who say it was not.

Not surprisingly, there is a big generation gap among Americans in attitudes toward the bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki. Seven-in-10 (70%) Americans 65 years of age and older say the use of atomic weapons was justified, but only 47% of 18- to 29-year-olds agree. There is a like partisan separate: 74% of Republicans but merely 52% of Democrats see the use of nuclear weapons at the finish of WWII every bit warranted. Men (62%) more than women (50%), and whites (65%) more than not-whites (40%), including Hispanics, say dropping the atomic bombs was.

Despite this lingering disagreement over the justification for Hiroshima and Nagasaki, few Americans or Japanese believe Japan owes an amends for its actions during WWII.

A bulk of Americans accept moved by Nihon'due south deportment during WWII (61%). More than a 3rd (37%) says that Japan has apologized sufficiently for WWII and 24% say that no apology is now necessary. Just 29% phonation the view that Nihon has not apologized sufficiently for its actions during the war. Once again, it is younger Americans (73%) who are well-nigh likely to put Japan'south office in WWII behind them, while older Americans (l%) are less convinced.

In a 2013 Pew Inquiry Heart survey, 48% of Japanese said they felt Nippon had apologized sufficiently for its armed forces actions during the 1930s and 1940s, while 28% felt their country had not apologized enough and 15% said there is zero for which to apologize.

In another sign that the scars of WWII are healing, most Americans similarly run into German language responsibility for their actions during WWII every bit a settled consequence. More than half say Germany has apologized sufficiently (33%) or that no apology is necessary (21%). Just 37% say Germans have not apologized plenty. Again, younger Americans (64%) are more forgiving than older ones (43%).

The U.S.-Nihon Human relationship Today

Roughly two-thirds of Americans trust Japan either a slap-up deal (26%) or a fair amount (42%). And iii-quarters of Japanese share a like degree of trust of the U.S., though their intensity is somewhat less (10% a bully bargain, 65% off-white amount).

In that location is a gender gap in how both publics see each other. American men (76%) are more trusting of Nippon than American women (59%), just equally Japanese men (82%) vocalism greater trust in the U.S. than do Japanese women (68%).

Also in the U.S., whites (73%) are more probable than non-whites (56%), including Hispanics, to trust Nihon. And people with at to the lowest degree some college education (75%) are more probable to have confidence in Japan than those with a high school pedagogy or less (56%). Only there is no significant partisan departure among Americans in their trust of Japan.

Looking ahead, Americans generally support keeping the U.South. relationship with Japan about where it is. When asked whether they would prefer that the U.South. be closer to Japan, less close, or almost every bit shut to Japan every bit it has been in recent years, 38% say closer, 45% say almost every bit close and only 13% would similar to distance the U.S. from Japan. Again, there is a generation gap on the future of the relationship: 41% of younger Americans would similar to see closer ties, but only 27% of older Americans agree. And at that place is partisan disagreement on the trajectory of the relationship with Japan: Democrats (41%) are more likely than Republicans (30%) to back up closer ties.

The hereafter of U.Due south.-Japan relations will, in large part, exist a product of bilateral economic interaction. Japan is currently the 4th-largest trading partner of the U.S. and the second-largest foreign investor in the U.S. And Tokyo and Washington are in the process of negotiating deeper trade and investment bonds between the two nations every bit role of a broader effort with ten other countries on both sides of the Pacific to create a Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP).

Nevertheless, Americans are somewhat divided when it comes to whether the U.S. should exist putting more focus on Japan or on Mainland china when information technology comes to developing a strong economic relationship. Overall, a slightly larger share of Americans (43%) name Communist china, which is non part of the TPP talks, as the more important economical partner than name Japan (36%). Most one-in-8 Americans (12%) volunteer that information technology is of import to have a strong economic relationship with both.

Americans' views on the relative importance of economic ties with Japan and Prc divide forth generational, racial and partisan lines. In detail, immature Americans believe it is more of import to have a strong economic relationship with Red china: About six-in-x ages xviii to 29 hold this view. Less than one-half as many people 65 years of historic period and older agree. At the aforementioned time, twice as many older Americans every bit younger ones believe a potent economic relationship with Nihon is a priority. Roughly half of not-white Americans prefer a potent relationship with China, while more than a third of whites make China a priority. And whites are more than likely than non-whites to say it is more important to have a strong economic relationship with Japan. Republicans are more than likely than Democrats to want better relations with Japan. Meanwhile, Democrats are more likely than the GOP to want stronger economic ties with Prc.

There are no such divisions in Japan about hereafter economic relations with China and the U.Southward. Nearly eight-in-ten Japanese (78%) say it is more of import to take strong economical connections with the U.Due south., while just 10% cite China. Immature Japanese are more likely than their elders to dorsum a deeper economic relationship with the U.S., but the preference for the U.S. among all age groups, and among all demographic subgroups in Japan, is even so overwhelming.

In general, views about the relative importance of time to come economic ties may reflect public perceptions of the current and future strength of each other's economies. A majority of Americans see Japan as a status quo economic system, with 57% proverb they believe Japan'south economic power will stay about the same relative to other countries. But 28% view Japan as a rising economic power, while only 8% say Japan's economy is declining. Views of young Americans diverge from those of their elders. They (42%) are more likely than those 65 and older (19%) to come across Japan as a rising economic power. Nevertheless young Americans are also much more supportive of closer economic ties with China.

A 2014 Pew Research Center survey provides insight into the Japanese preference for closer economic ties with the U.S. and Americans' slight preference for a stronger economic relationship with People's republic of china. In that poll, 59% of Japanese voiced the view that the U.Southward. was the earth'southward leading economical power; but 23% thought the tiptop economy was Prc. At the same time, 41% of Americans said China was the world's leading economy, but only 8% named Japan.

Americans' economical tilt toward China comes despite grave doubts about China as a trading partner and a dramatic comeback in Americans' views of their trade human relationship with Japan. In 1989, amid serious trade tensions, just 22% of Americans held the view that Japan had a off-white merchandise policy with the U.South., co-ordinate to a Times Mirror survey. In 2015, 55% of Americans see Japan equally a fair trader. At the same time only 37% of Americans view China every bit having a fair trade policy with the U.S. With regard to Mainland china, immature Americans (52%) are much more likely than older Americans (23%) to call Communist china a fair trader. And non-whites (52%) are much more likely than whites (29%) to say China trades adequately.

How the American and Japanese People Come across Each Other

Public views of other nationalities are oftentimes rooted in stereotypes. These perceived national characteristics may or may not be fair or accurate. But they capture a public perception that may help explain national attitudes on a range of other topics.

Americans overwhelmingly (94%) voice the view that the Japanese are hardworking. And three-quarters of Americans see the Japanese as inventive.

Well-nigh seven-in-ten (71%) Americans also see the Japanese as honest. Those with at least some college education (75%) are more than likely than Americans with only a loftier school education or less (64%) to characterize the Japanese in this mode.

About Americans exercise non accredit various negative stereotypes to the Japanese. Only 36% see the Japanese as intolerant, 31% voice the view that they are aggressive and just 19% associate the term "selfish" with Japanese people.

The Japanese tend to be more critical of Americans. Two-thirds of Japanese see Americans as inventive, with younger Japanese (76%), those ages 18 to 29, more likely to say this than their elders (53%), age 65 and older. Just merely 37% of Japanese associate honesty with Americans and but a quarter voice the view that Americans are hardworking.

At the same time, while just 29% of the Japanese public sees Americans as intolerant, l% say Americans are aggressive and 47% view them as selfish.

Japan, People's republic of china and the Region

U.S.-Nippon relations are a relatively stiff thread in a web of relations in the Asia-Pacific region. Americans and Japanese both trust each other more than they trust either China or Republic of korea. Meanwhile, both have loftier levels of confidence in Australia.

Just 30% of Americans trust China a bang-up bargain or a off-white amount. Only 7% of Japanese trust Beijing, and then merely a fair amount. Moreover, a quarter of Americans and one-half of Japanese exercise not trust China at all.

Young Americans, ages xviii to 29, are more probable to trust China (49%) than are older Americans (21%), historic period 65 and older. Democrats (39%) are more trusting of China than are Republicans (xx%). There are no meaning demographic differences in Japanese views of China.

Americans and Japanese also differ in their opinions of South korea. Nearly half (49%) of Americans trust South korea, but merely 21% of Japanese concur. Yet, nigh a quarter (24%) of both Americans and Japanese do non trust Republic of korea at all. Notably, American men (57%) are much more likely than women (41%) to trust Seoul, equally are whites (55%) more than not-whites (37%). Americans with at least some college education (58%) are more than likely to trust Republic of korea than are people with but a high school education or less (36%). Despite the level of Japanese animosity toward South Korea, there are no significant demographic differences in Japanese views of South Korea.

Both Americans and Japanese overwhelmingly trust Australia, though Americans trust Commonwealth of australia far more intensely. In the U.Southward., eight-in-ten have a great bargain (44%) or a fair amount (36%) of faith in Australia. Whites (89%) are more probable than not-whites (62%) to hold this positive opinion. In Nihon, 17% trust Australia a great bargain and 61% a off-white corporeality.

The rise of Cathay as a war machine and economic power is i of the principal motivating factors driving the U.S. strategic and economic rebalancing toward Asia, and it plays an important function in U.S.-Nippon relations.

6-in-ten Americans voice the view that Cathay's rising makes relations betwixt the U.Southward. and Nippon more important. Merely 6% say it makes ties less important and 29% believe it makes no difference. Men (67%) are more likely than women (54%), whites (67%) more than non-whites (48%), and Americans 65 years of age and older (65%) more likely than those ages 18 to 29 (51%) to concur the view that the Japan human relationship is now more than important because of China.

At the aforementioned time, the American public is divided over whether Japan should play a more active military role in helping to maintain peace and stability in the Asia-Pacific region: 47% would like to run into Tokyo take a more agile part and 43% would adopt that Japan limit its function. Americans who trust Japan are more likely to want to run into Tokyo play a greater strategic role in the region. And Americans who do not trust China are besides more likely to desire to see Japan take on more of the military burden in Asia.

Among Japanese, there is little desire for their country to play a greater role in the region'south security. Just over two-thirds (68%) desire Nippon to limit its military activity. Only 23% want the state to play a more than active part. Notably, information technology is Japanese men (30%) more than women (17%) who would like to see a more than forwards-leaning national strategic posture.

Americans' and Japanese News Sources and Noesis about Each Other

Americans' views of Japan and of problems in Asia that affect U.S.-Japan relations are informed by the news media, as are Japanese views of the U.Due south.

Americans obtain their information about Japan largely from television (44%) or the cyberspace (36%). Japanese are more dependent on television (65%) for their information nearly international issues concerning the U.South. and less likely to go information technology from the cyberspace (fifteen%). Newspapers play a bigger office for Japanese (sixteen%) than they practise for Americans (9%). And neither public relies much on radio (half-dozen% in the U.S. and ii% in Japan) or magazines (two% and 1%, respectively).

As might be expected, Americans 65 years of age and older are most likely to get their news of Nihon from telly (65%). Young Americans, ages xviii to 29, predominantly become their information near international bug concerning Nihon from the cyberspace (62%). Women (49%) are more than likely than men (39%) to rely on television and men (41%) are more likely than women (32%) to go to the internet for news on Japan. Similarly, people with a high school education or less draw on tv news (59%) for their data virtually Japan, while a plurality of people with at to the lowest degree some higher didactics utilize the internet (44%).

In Nippon, the generation gap among those who get their international news about the U.S. from the internet is even greater: twoscore% of young Japanese say they obtain information concerning America from the cyberspace, but only 3% of older Japanese rely on the Web. A generation gap exists among goggle box viewers every bit well, although information technology is much smaller: 67% of Japanese ages 65 and older go their information about the U.Southward. from tv set, compared with 55% of Japanese ages eighteen to 29 who rely on TV. Japanese women (74%) are besides much more likely to turn to television set for news of the U.S. than are men (55%).

Any their news source, Americans are probable to associate cultural, business, historical and personal connections with Japan. When asked "what is the first thing that comes to listen" when they retrieve of Japan, Americans are most likely to mention sushi or some other Japanese food. Second-most in their heed are cars, followed past Globe War 2 and technologies associated with Nippon. The next-most mentioned connection is relatives and friends in Japan.

And Americans are much more aware of and take a more favorable view of Japanese commercial brands than they do of leading Japanese public figures.

More than eight-in-10 Americans take a favorable stance of both electronics giant Sony (88%) and carmaker Toyota (85%). Roughly one-half (51%) agree a positive view of Pokémon, a brand of children's video games, movies and television programs and toys from Nintendo.

At the same time, less than half (47%) phonation a favorable opinion of Ichiro Suzuki, the most successful Japanese to play major league baseball game in the U.S., possibly in part because 32% volunteered that they had never heard of him.

Even less well-known are Japanese novelist Haruki Murakami, with 13% having favorable views and 69% having never heard of him; and former Japanese Prime number Government minister Junichiro Koizumi (12% favorable, 73% did not recognize his name).

Almost hit of all, only 11% of Americans have a favorable view of current Japanese Prime number Government minister Shinzo Abe, but this can largely be attributed to the fact that 73% say they accept never heard of him.

Americans' sensation of major problems in Asia relating to Nihon varies widely. More than eight-in-ten (81%) Americans have heard near North korea'south nuclear program, including 39% who have heard a lot about information technology and some other 42% who have heard a piddling. Among those who have heard a lot, it is men (45%) more than than women (33%); older Americans (45%) more than than immature people (29%); and those with at least some higher didactics (47%) more those with only a loftier school education or less (27%).

Six-in-10 Americans take heard about Mainland china'due south territorial disputes with its neighboring countries, but just sixteen% have heard a lot about them. And 39% of Americans have heard null at all.

Roughly iv-in-ten (41%) Americans accept heard almost tensions between Japan and South Korea over the issue of "comfort women" during World War II. Just 10% take heard a lot nigh this controversy. Another 31% have heard a little, and 57% accept heard zero at all well-nigh information technology.

Americans' general trust in Japan and appreciation for the Japanese people, coupled with at to the lowest degree some knowledge of the tensions in Eastern asia, may explain their greater involvement in visiting Japan rather than other Asian nations.

About six-in-10 Americans (62%) express an interest in going on vacation to Nihon, including 30% who are very interested. Roughly half (48%) say they are interested in visiting Communist china, but merely 20% are very interested. A similar proportion (48%) is interested in vacationing in Singapore. And but 30% voice an interest in visiting South Korea.